Friday 18 December 2020

የቤተ ክርስቲያን ሚና በፖለቲካ - ጥቂት ሃሳቦች

የኢትዮጵያ ኦርቶዶክስ ቤተ ክርስቲያን እና ምእመናን በሀገራችን ፖለቲካ ምን አይነት ሚና መጫወት አለብን የሚለው ጥያቄ ሰፊና ውስብስብ ነው። ከዚህ ጽሁፍ በዚህ ጉዳይ ላይ አንዳንድ መሰረታዊ የሚመስሉኝን ሃሳቦችን ማቅረብ እወዳለሁ።

1. በእምነታችን እግዚአብሔር ከሁሉም ቦታ በሁሉም ጊዜ በሁሉም ዘመን ይገኛል። እግዚአብሔር የሌለበት ስፍራ የለም። ይህ ማለት ዓለምን በተለምዶ «ዓለማዊ» እና «መንፈሳዊ» ብሎ መለየት አይቻልም። እግዚአብሔር በቤተሰባችን፤ በመስሪያቤታችን፤ በንግዶቻችን፤ በትምሕርትቤቶቻችን፤ በእስርቤቶቻችን፤ በፖለቲካችን፤ በሁሉም ቦታ አለ። ስለዚህ ለእምነታችን off limits የሆነ ቦታ የለም። ሊኖርም አይችልም። ግን ጥያቄው እንዴት ነው እምነታችንን የምናንጸባርቀው ነው! እውነት እምነታችንን እናንጸባርቃለን ወይንም ኑፋቄ፤ ሰላም እናንጸባርቃለን ወይንም አመጽ፤ ደግነት እናንጸባርቃለን ወይንም ክፋት?

2. ክርስቶስ ፍቅርና ሰላም ነውና የክርስትና በፖለቲካ ላይ ያለው አመለካከት ፍቅርና ሰላም መሆን አለበት። መፈለግ ያለብን ሰላምን የሚያሰፍን እና ፍኩ ነገር የማያስደርገን (do no harm) ፖለቲካ ነው። ሁሉ አካሄዳችን በነዚህ ሁለት መርህዎች ስር መሆን አለበት። ሁሉ አቋሞቻችን በነዚህ መርህዎች መፈተሽ አለባቸው። ይህን ወይንም ያንን ፖሊሲ ወይም ፖለቲካዊ ተግባር ይጽደቅ ወይንም ይፈጸም ስንል ይህ ፖሊሲ ወይንም ተግባር ሰላም ያመጣል ወይ እና ክፉ እንዳናደርግ ይከለክለናል ወይ ብለን መጠየቅ አለብን። 

3. በሃይማኖታችን አንድ እውነት አለ፤ ይህ እውነት የኦርቶዶክሳዊ እምነታችን ነው። በዚህ በሃይማኖታችን መደራደር አይቻልም። ግን ከሃይማኖት ውች ሁሉ ነገር አሻሚ ነው። የፖለቲካ አቋም፤ ፖሊሲ፤ አተገባበር ሁሉ ትክክል ሊሆን፤ ሊሳሳት፤ መስተካከል ሊኖረው ይችላል። ፍፁም እውነት የሆነ ፖለቲካ የለም። ፖለቲካ እንደ ማንኛውም ስራ ግብአሩን እና ውጤቱን መርምሮ ገምቶ የሚሰራ ነው። ስተት ሊኖር ይችላል፤ ስተት ይኖራል። ግምቶችም ግቦችም የተሳሳቱ ሊሆኑ ይችላሉ። ስለዚህ ክርስቲያኖች የፖለቲካ አቋምን እንደ ጣኦት እንዳንቆጥር በጣም መጠንቀቅ አለብን። «ሶሽያሊዝም»፤ «ዴሞክራሲ»፤ «ሚክስድ ኤኮኖምይ»፤ «ነጻ ገበያ»፤ «ንጹህ ኤነርጂ» ወዘተ ሁሉም ሊጠቅሙ ላይጠቅሙ ይችላሉ። ከእሴቶቻችን ጋር አወራርድን የሚሆነውን ወስደን የማይሆነውን ትተን መራመድ ነው። እንደ ሁኔታው፤ ጊዜው፤ እና ችግሩ አቋምና ተግባራችንን ማስተካከል። የተለየ አቋም ያለውን አለመውቀስ ልንሳሳትንችላለንና። ፖለቲካ ጣኦት አይደለም!

4. ትህትና (humility) አንዱ የሃይማኖታችን ዋና እሴት ነው። «የተሰበርውንና የተዋረደውን ልብ እግዚአብሔር አይንቅም።» የሃይማኖት አባቶቻችን ከድርሳናቶቻቸው ትህትና ላይ በጣም ያተኩራሉ። ክርስቲያን በማንኛውም ስፍራ ትህትናውን መጠበቅ አለበት በፖለቲካ ስፍራውም እንዲሁ። የፖለቲካ አቋም ስንወስድ ተሳስተን ይሆናል ብለን ማሰብ አለብን። ከላይ እንዳልኩት ፖለቲካ ጣኦት አይደለምና አቋሞቻችንን እንደ ፍፁም አርገን መውሰድ አንችልም። ትህትና የግድ ነው። የትህትና ተቃራኒ እብሪት ክፉ ነው።

5. ንስሐ ከእግዚአብሔር የምንገናኝበት አንዱ ዋና መንገድ ነው። አለ ንስሐ ክስቲያናዊ ኑሮ የለም። እንደምንሳሳት ማመን አለብን። ስንሳሳት ማወቅና ማመን አለብን። ከዛ ንስሐ መግባት አለብን። በፖለቲካው ዓለምም እንዲሁ። ክርስቲያኖች በአቋምም በአፈጻጻምም ልንሳሳት እንችላለን። ይህን መካድ ታላቅ ስህተት ነው ኦርቶዶክሳዊ አይደለም። የንስሐ ፖለቲካ ፍቱን ነው። እኛ ኦርቶዶክሳዊ ኢትዮጵያኖች ትህትና እና ንስሐ በምሳሌ እያሳየን ፖለቲካችንን የሰላምና ፍቅር ማድረግ እንችል ይሆናል።

6. «አንቻቻልም!» መቻቻል አሉታዊ ነው፤ የማንወደውን ግን አማራጭ የሌለንን ነገር ነው የምንችለው። እግዚአብሔር ተቻቻሉ ሳይሆን ተዋደዱ ነው ያለው። ስለዚህ ኦርቶዶክስ ክርስቲያን ሁሉንም ሰው ይወዳል ወይንም መውደድ አለበት። ሁሉንም ሃሳብ አይወድም፤ ሁሉንም ድርጊት አይወድም፤ ግን ሁሉንም ሰው ይወዳል። እንደ ክርስቲያኖች ይህንን የእግዚአብሔርን ፍቅር ማንጸባረቅ አለብን። 

7. ምሳሌ መሆን የክርስቲያን ዋና ተግባር ነው። ሰውን ማስተማር የምንችለው በስብከት ሳይሆን በምሳሌ ነው፤ ይህ መሰረታዊ ትህምሕርታችን ነው። «የመንፈስ ቅዱስን ጸጋ አግኝና ዙርያህ ያሉ በሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ይድናሉ» የሩሲያው ቅዱስ ሴራፊም እንዳስተማረን።

Thursday 3 December 2020

The Ethiopian Business Class Must Rise As A Political Power

Erring on the side of caution, we should assume that 29 years of institutionalized ethnic politics in Ethiopia has created significant 'facts on the ground'. From the political class down to the masses, ethnic nationalism has a following that cannot be ignored. It has become a political fact of life.

Unfettered ethnic nationalism both in theory and in practice (the institution of ethnic federalism) can be described as a conflict generating machine. In order to have a peaceful and productive political environment, ethnic nationalism must be curtailed and ethnic federalism must be altered to become a more pluralistic multicultural federalism, the type of which there are many successful examples throughout the world.

The task of reducing ethnic nationalist sentiment and moving from ethnic federalism towards multicultural federalism cannot be left to the federal government, the ruling Prosperity Party, and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed alone. For two reasons: First, there is a significant concentration of ethnic nationalists both in the government, party, and deep state structures. Even with the departure of the TPLF and the arrests of prominent ethnic agitators, the fact is that in towns such as Shashemene, the executive, judiciary, and police are controlled by ethnic nationalists. There is also a strong ethnic nationalist presence in the Oromia wing of the ruling party. Remember the old saying about the OPDO being the OLF in disguise. Secondly, there is a degree of ethnic nationalism amongst the population especially in Oromia that cannot be ignored. The government and Prosperity Party must be careful not to antagonize this constituency. For these two reasons, the extent to which the government and party can act against ethnic nationalism using soft and hard power is limited. 

Given this, a political actor other than the government and ruling party has to step up to the plate in the struggle to reduce ethnic nationalism in Ethiopia. What political actor has the potential to do this? The masses, the intellectual class, and opposition political class have not shown any signs of being capable of political organization and action. They seem to be still weakened by over 45 years of Marxism, political revolution, and terror. This is evidenced by the fact that there has been no opposition political organization of any consequence for decades. There has been no mass political movement Ethiopia to speak of, except perhaps 'qerro', which has a significant ethnic nationalist element. So it is unlikely that the masses or opposition intellectual and political classes will be capable in the near future of creating a political movement that can work towards reducing ethnic nationalism.

There is another social class than in the near term can turn itself into a major political actor, and this social class is the new and rising business class. For two reasons. First, this class has both financial and intellectual resources. Second, and more importantly, it has the powerful invisible hand - its desire for  profit and wealth - as an incentive to work towards a stable and peaceful political environment. The only way the business class can make money and keep its wealth is by reducing ethnic nationalism and thereby bringing about a peaceful political environment. This is a strong incentive that the other social classes, such as the masses, intellectual or political elite cannot make use of. The business class, for the sake of its own survival and to protect its investments, must get politically involved and work towards reducing ethnic nationalism. We can only hope that business leaders understand this and begin the long and steady work of making the business class a political force.

The blueprint for the business class' political involvement is straightforward as it follows the same model used throughout the world from ancient times until today. Traditionally, the business class wields influences politics via soft power generated by money. It exercises influence via lobbying and marketing of various kinds,  by providing direct and indirect incentives to politicians, bureaucrats, civil society, businesses, and most importantly by creating institutions that work for its political aims, etc. The business class aims to become a permanent political influencer, not a single issue and one time lobby.

Let me give a practical example of what the actions of the business class lobby might look like. Let's take the case of Shashemene, which today has many of its government officials arrested as a result of their participation, directly or indirectly, in promoting ethnic violence and murder during the past year. To reduce ethnic nationalism in Shashemene, the entire governing structure would be targeted for influence and lobbying. In addition, influential institutions, such as organizations supporting local culture and traditions, empowering local youth in business activities, etc. would be established to give a safe and peaceful way to channel multiculturalism and economic aspirations without resorting to ethnic nationalism. These institutions would also help crowd out ethnic nationalist institutions and influence. In addition, institutions tertiary to the cause such as schools, hospitals, and businesses would be established to round out an all encompassing influencing structure. In the medium term, this work would result in attracting the populace into a more moderate political mindset, as well as tying the interests of politicians, merchants, students - all sectors of society - with moderate politics. In the long term, it will lead to the birth of a new moderate generation.

It may seem to some that the end of the TPLF means the end of ethnic nationalism and ethnic federalism. This view it seems to me is quite unrealistic. 30 years of institutionalized ethnic politics has created ethnic nationalism on the ground. The strong 'qerro' movement is an example of the result of this ethnic nationalism. This ethnic nationalism cannot be dealt with by the government alone, as the government is constrained by ethnic nationalists in its ranks, as well as ethnic nationalism in Oromia. The government needs the support of other political actors. Politicians, intellectuals, and the masses must tangible support the government to reduce ethnic nationalism. But more importantly, the social class with the most capacity, the business class, must establish itself as a political force and begin to tactfully use its enormous potential soft power in a campaign against ethnic nationalism. In this way, Ethiopia will move towards a less ethnic more peaceful political environment.