ይህን ቪዲዮ (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OUGKE49Lagg) ይመልከቱ። እኔ እጅግ ከምወዳቸው ጋዜጠኛ ሲሳይ አጌና ስለ ኦህዴድና በአዴን ለህወሃት ሙሉ ተገዥነት ይተቻል። ቪዲዮውን ካያችሁ በኋላ እስቲ ንገሩኝ፤ ስለሀገራችን ኢትዮጵያ በተስፋ ተሞላችሁ ወይም ቆረጣችሁ? ይህ ለናንተም ለሃገሪቷም ይበጃል አይበጅም? የፖለቲካ ለውጥ ለዘላለም አይመጣም ወይም አንድ ቀን ይመጣል ያሰኛችኋል? ከዚም አልፎ በሀገሬ ለውጥ ለማምጣት ሚና መጫወት እችላለሁ አልችልም፤ የትኛው ስሜት ይይላል?
ከዚህ በፊት ደጋግሜ እንደጻፍኩት፤
1. የትግራይ ተወላጆች በምክላከያ አናሳ ቁጥር ነው ያላቸው። የሌሎች ጎሳ ተወላጆች ከነኦሮሞና አማራ እጅግ አብዛኛው ናቸው። ይህ ሃቅ ነው። ህወሃትም ፍልጎት ሳይሆን ምርጫ የለውም፤ ትግሬ ቢበዛ ለውግያም ለሰላምም አይበጅም። ስለዚህ ትግሬዎች የስልጣን ቦታዎኦች ተቆጣጥረው ሌሎቹ ሌላውን ይዘዋል። ግን ይህ ሁኔታ ለርጅም ጊዜ አይዘልቅም። ሌሎቹ ወደፊት ግድ ሹመት ያገኛሉ ሰላምን ለመጠበቅ።
2. የደህንነቶ የጎሳ ክፍፍል በዪፋ ባይታወቅም ከሸፈቱ ምስክሮች ዘንድ በርካታ ቲግራይ ያልሆኑ ደህንነት ውስጥ እንዳሉ መረጃ አለን። ሆኖም ከሁሉም የመንግስት አካል ደህንነት ነው በህወሃት ታንቆ የተያዘው። ማንኛውም አምባገነን መንግስት ከሁሉም በላይ ደህንነትን ነው ተጠንቅቆ የሚይዘውና።
3. የትግራይ ህብረተሰብ አሁንም የኢትዮጵያ 8% በላይ አይደለም።
እነዚህ ሃቆች የሚነግሩን ህውሃት ኢትዮጵያን የሚገዛት በበርካታ ህዝብ ፈቃድና ተባባሪነት ነው። ግን በዛው መጠን ፈቃደኛውም ተባባሪውም በሙሉ ልቡ አምኖበት ሳይሆን በአቅም፤ በብስለት፤ በመተባብር፤ ወዘተ ጉድለት ነው የሚያደርኩትን የሚያደርጉት። አቅም፤ ብስለት፤ ትብብር በትንሹም ቢጨእር ያለው አገዛዝ በሰላም ይዘየር ነበር። ስለዚህ ይህ ሁኔታ እንዲፈጥር ነው ማድረግ ያለብን።
ለዚህ ነው ከዚህ በፊትም አሁንም የምለው ከነ የሩሲያ ቭላዲሚር ፑቲን አይነቱ እንማር። ፑቲን ከጎጀውን ከሀዲው የልትሲን መንግስት እየሰራ ውስጥ ለወስጥ ጥሩ ስራ እየሰራ ግን ማንነቱን ደብቆ ሃይሉን አከማቸ። ተቃዋሚ አልሆንም። ለምን፤ እንደማያዋጣና እንደምይሆን ገቡንም ለማሳካት እንደማይሆን ተረድቶ ከመንግስት ውስት በስውር መስራቱ ያዋጣልብሎ ሰራ። የሱም ቢጤዎች ብዙ ነበሩ ጉብዝናና ብልጥነታቸውም እንዲአሸንፉ ረዳቸው።
የኢትዮጵያም ሁኔታ እንደዚህ ነው። በደርግ ጊዜ ታላቅ የሆነ የግዥ መደብ ሞተ እራሱንም አጠፋ አቅምም አጣ። አሁን ያለው አማራጭ ከውስጥ ሆኖ መስራት ነው።
ደግሞ ይቻላል። ከላይ እንደጠቀስኩት ህውሃትም ደጋፊዎቻቸውም እጅግ አናሳ ናቸው። ዛሬም እንደሚታየው ተገዥ ፓርቲዎቻቸውን ኦህድድና በአዴንን እንደፈለጉት በዘላቂነት ማሽከርከር አቅቷቸዋል። ስለዚህ ተስፋ አለን፤ ከሰራን። ከመሸሽ ወይም ከማይሆን የፊትለፊት ግጭት መንገድ ከመያዝ ብልጥ ሆነን ከውስጥ ሃገሪትን መያዝ ነው።
Thursday 5 October 2017
Catalonia - Another Lesson for Ethiopia
The first lesson, Ladies and Gentlemen, is that ethnic politics is not particular to Ethiopia. I make this obvious point because it seems that a lot of my fellow Ethiopianists - those of us who are wary of ethnic politics - continue to think that only Ethiopia is 'plagued' by ethnic politics. No, ethnicity is universal, nation-states have been for the past two hundred years at least universal, and therefore ethnic politics exists in all states to some extent or another, depending on their ethnic demographics and history.
The second is that the root of ethnic politics is ethnic identity, which has existed for the most part of the existence of this world! People naturally have and are fond of their ethnic or national identity, which, by the way, are fundamentally equivalent. If you ask someone who identifies as Spanish what it means to be Spanish, and if you ask someone who identifies as Catalan what it means to be Catalan, the answer will be the same. My language, my culture, my geography, my ancestry, etc.
What about exclusivism - that is, what about an ethnic or state identity that excludes others? Today's clever Catalan secessionist will say that anyone can be Catalan as long as they identify as Catalan and speak or want to speak the language. Quebec separatists have said the same for decades. Secessionists often adopt this position to ensure that they are not attacked as exclusivists or 'racists'. Anyone can become Catalan or Quebecois, as long as... At the end of the day, ethnicity (and nationalism) are fundamentally exclusivist of course. It is a particular language or culture or geography or way of thinking that one has to adopt. So an Ethiopian nationalist can also say that anyone who adopts Ethiopian language, culture, etc., can be an Ethiopian.
A fourth point is that although ethnic identity is natural and the root of ethnic nationalism, ethnic nationalism itself, that is, the need to politically assert ethnicity, can be manufactured. Latent ethnic sentiments can be stoked by clever politics on the part of ethnic nationalist politicians, and stupid politics by those opposing, and this is what we have seen in Spain. Catalans who only a few years ago would oppose secession today are all for it not because anything substantive has changed in Spanish politics, but because of clever and poor marketing.
The fifth lesson - another very important one - is that wealth, 'development', modernity, etc. do not mitigate ethnic identity. In fact they may amplify it. Catalonia, compared to Oromia, is quite rich. And 'educated'. And modern. Yet it is rife with ethnic politics driven by the need to assert ethnic identity. So the assumption by some in Ethiopia that with development ethnic nationalism, especially 'narrow nationalism', will decrease is a false and dangerous one.
The sixth lesson is nothing except demographics can stem the tide of ethnic nationalism. The problem in Catalonia, as was the problem in Quebec until 25 years ago, is that there are too many people who are today or are potential Catalan nationalists. So secession via referendum is always a threat and ethnic nationalism is always the main political issue. This situation exists because there has not been enough Spanish-Catalan assimilation to create a 'mixed-identity' population in Catalonia and, very imporantly, in the rest of Spain. If there were a sizeable mixed-identity population, then Catalan nationalism would be much weaker. So without sufficient assimilation, the threat of ethnic nationalism always exists, and the solution will end up being ethnic strife or, if possible, secession.
This last lesson is what, I believe, the policy of the Government of Ethiopia should be based on. It is what we Ethiopian nationalists have to advocate for. Assimilation is the key to reducing ethnic nationalism and tension in Ethiopia. Note here that assimilation is not one way - it does not mean everyone should assimilate towards one particular ethnicity - for example, 'Amhara'. It means that there should be assimilation towards some merged and mixed ethnicity. In Ethiopia, for example, if there were significant intermigration and intermarriage between Oromos and other Ethiopians, with Oromiffa being spoken in most parts of Ethiopia along with Amharic and a significant mixed population, such demographics would greatly reduce the power of ethnic nationalism and tension such as exists today. In my view, the Ethiopian government (and state governments) must seriously study and implement policies that promote such assimilation, such as for example teaching Afan Oromo in schools in Amhara State and promoting inter-state migration. Such policies will bring about the necessary assimilation that will mitigate ethnic tension.
The second is that the root of ethnic politics is ethnic identity, which has existed for the most part of the existence of this world! People naturally have and are fond of their ethnic or national identity, which, by the way, are fundamentally equivalent. If you ask someone who identifies as Spanish what it means to be Spanish, and if you ask someone who identifies as Catalan what it means to be Catalan, the answer will be the same. My language, my culture, my geography, my ancestry, etc.
What about exclusivism - that is, what about an ethnic or state identity that excludes others? Today's clever Catalan secessionist will say that anyone can be Catalan as long as they identify as Catalan and speak or want to speak the language. Quebec separatists have said the same for decades. Secessionists often adopt this position to ensure that they are not attacked as exclusivists or 'racists'. Anyone can become Catalan or Quebecois, as long as... At the end of the day, ethnicity (and nationalism) are fundamentally exclusivist of course. It is a particular language or culture or geography or way of thinking that one has to adopt. So an Ethiopian nationalist can also say that anyone who adopts Ethiopian language, culture, etc., can be an Ethiopian.
A fourth point is that although ethnic identity is natural and the root of ethnic nationalism, ethnic nationalism itself, that is, the need to politically assert ethnicity, can be manufactured. Latent ethnic sentiments can be stoked by clever politics on the part of ethnic nationalist politicians, and stupid politics by those opposing, and this is what we have seen in Spain. Catalans who only a few years ago would oppose secession today are all for it not because anything substantive has changed in Spanish politics, but because of clever and poor marketing.
The fifth lesson - another very important one - is that wealth, 'development', modernity, etc. do not mitigate ethnic identity. In fact they may amplify it. Catalonia, compared to Oromia, is quite rich. And 'educated'. And modern. Yet it is rife with ethnic politics driven by the need to assert ethnic identity. So the assumption by some in Ethiopia that with development ethnic nationalism, especially 'narrow nationalism', will decrease is a false and dangerous one.
The sixth lesson is nothing except demographics can stem the tide of ethnic nationalism. The problem in Catalonia, as was the problem in Quebec until 25 years ago, is that there are too many people who are today or are potential Catalan nationalists. So secession via referendum is always a threat and ethnic nationalism is always the main political issue. This situation exists because there has not been enough Spanish-Catalan assimilation to create a 'mixed-identity' population in Catalonia and, very imporantly, in the rest of Spain. If there were a sizeable mixed-identity population, then Catalan nationalism would be much weaker. So without sufficient assimilation, the threat of ethnic nationalism always exists, and the solution will end up being ethnic strife or, if possible, secession.
This last lesson is what, I believe, the policy of the Government of Ethiopia should be based on. It is what we Ethiopian nationalists have to advocate for. Assimilation is the key to reducing ethnic nationalism and tension in Ethiopia. Note here that assimilation is not one way - it does not mean everyone should assimilate towards one particular ethnicity - for example, 'Amhara'. It means that there should be assimilation towards some merged and mixed ethnicity. In Ethiopia, for example, if there were significant intermigration and intermarriage between Oromos and other Ethiopians, with Oromiffa being spoken in most parts of Ethiopia along with Amharic and a significant mixed population, such demographics would greatly reduce the power of ethnic nationalism and tension such as exists today. In my view, the Ethiopian government (and state governments) must seriously study and implement policies that promote such assimilation, such as for example teaching Afan Oromo in schools in Amhara State and promoting inter-state migration. Such policies will bring about the necessary assimilation that will mitigate ethnic tension.
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