በዚህ ዘመን የቃላቶች ትርጉም ተተንቅቀን ነጣጥለን ማየት አለብን።
እስቲ በመጀመርያ «መቻቻል» ምን ማለት እንደሆነ እንመርምር። ሰው የሚወድውን ነገር «ቻለው» ይባላል? አይባልም! የማይወደውን ግን በተለያዩ ምክንያቶች ስለነገሩ ምንም ማድረግ የማይችለውን ወይም ማድረግ የማይፈልገውን ነገር ነው «ቻለው» የሚባለው።
ለምሳሌ… ሙስሊም ጎረቤቴ በየጊዜው ድምጽ የበዛው የጸሎት ዝግጅት ያካሄዳል ከበቱ። ጩኸቱን አልወደውም ግን ለሰላም ብዬ ዝም እላለሁ። ይህ የመቻቻል አንድ ምሳሌ ነው።
እዚ ጋር አንድ ነገርን ልብ እንበል። ጎረቤቴን ዝም ያልኩት ስለምወደው ወይም ጥሩ ልሁንለት ብዬ አይደለም። «ነግ በኔን» አስቤ ነው። ለራሴ ጥቅም ብዬ ነው። እኔም ዝግጅቶችህን ተው ብዬ አላስቸግረውም እሱም እኔ እንደዚሁ አይነት ፕሮግራም ባዘጋጅ ዝም ይለኛል። አልፎ ተርፎ ጸብ ስለሌለን ግንኙነታችን ሰላማዊ ስለሆነ ወደ ፊት በተለያዩ የሚጠቁሙን ጉዳዮች መተባበር መረዳዳት ቀላል ሊሆን ይችላል።
ስለዚህ «መቻቻል» የአብሮ መኖር ስልት ነው። የጥሩነት ወይም በጎ መግባር ውጤት አይደለም የመዋደድ የፍቅርም ውጤት አይደለም።
መቻቻል እንዲህ ከሆነ ለኛ ኦርቶዶክስ ክርስትያኖች ምን ማለት ነው? መቻቻል አለብን ወይ? የሌላ ሃይማኖት ተከታዮችን «መቻል» አለብን ወይ? «የሃይማኖት መቻቻልን» መተግበር አለብን ወይ? በፍፁም! በመጀመርያ እንደ ክርስትናችን «መውደድ» ነው ያለብን። አምላካችን እንዳለን እሱ እንደሚወደን ያህል ባለንጀራችንን መውደድ አለብን። የኛ የክርስትያኖች ተዕልኮ «ፍቅር» ነው እንጂ «መቻቻል» አይደለም! ማንም ሰው ከልምድና ምቾት አንጻር መቻቻል ይችላል፤ ግን ክርስትያኖች መውደድ ነው ያለብን።
ወደ ቅድሙ ምሳሌአችን ከተመለሰን የሙስሊም ጎረቤቴን ስለ ጸሎት ዝግጅቶቹ የማላስቸግረው ምክንያት «መቻቻል» ሳይሆን «ፍቅር» ነው መሆን ያለበት። ስለ ዝግጅቱ ካላማረርኩኝ አለማማረሬ ከፍቅር የመነጨ መሆን አለበት እንጂ ለራሴ ጥቅም ብዬ መሆን የለበትም። እሱም ይሉኝታ ኖሮት ዝም ይለንኛል ብዬ ከሱ ጠብቄ ሳይሆን ምንም ሳልጠብቅ ምሆን አለበት። ስለዚህ ክርስትያኖች መቻቻልን መተግበር አለባቸው ማለት ትርጉም የለውም። ከመቻቻል በላይ ሰማይ ጠቀሱን ፍቅር መተግበር ነው ያለን።
እንግዲህ አንዳንዶቻችሁ «አምላካችሁ ውደዱ ቢላችሁም አትሰሙትም» ትሉኝ ይሆናል። «እናንተ ኦርቶዶክስ ክርስትያኖች ድሮም አሁንም ፍቅርን አታውቁም።» አልክድም፤ እውነት ነው፤ እኔ ኦርቶዶክስ ክርስትያን ብሆንም ኃጢአተኛ ነኝ ፍቅር ይጎለኛል። ፍቅር የሆነውን ተልዕኮኤን ሁል ጊዜ እየሳትኩኝ ነው የምኖረው። ይህ ኃጢአተኝነቴ ግን የሚስተካከለው ወይንም በትክክሉ ቋንቋ የሚታከመው መቻቻልን መተግበር በመሞከር አይደለም። ፍቅርን በመተግበር ነው። ካልቻልኩኝ ከወደቅኩኝ ተመልሼ መሞከር መነሳት ነው። ይህ ነው የክርስትና ኑሮ። እንጂ መውደድ አልችልም ብዬ ተስፋ ቆርቼ እስቲ መቻቻልን ልሞርክ ማለት ውድቅ ሀሳብ ነው።
ስለዚህ ፕሮቴስታንት ወንድሜ፤ ሙስሊም እህቴ፤ ሴኩላሪስት ወንድሜ፤ ካስቀየምኩህ ካስቸገርኩህ ከጎዳሁህ እኔን ኃጢአተኛውን ይቅር በለኝ። መሻሻል እሞክራለሁ። ልችልህ ሳይሆን በእግዚአብሔር እርዳታ ልወድህ እሞክራለሁ።
የሰላም ክፍሌ ይትባረክ ብሎግ፤ ስለ ሀገራችን ኢትዮጵያ ያለኝን ትናንሽ ሀሳቦች በትህትና አቀርባለሁ። ለስሕተቶቼም በቅድሚያ ይቅርታ እጠይቃለሁ
Showing posts with label መቻቻል. Show all posts
Showing posts with label መቻቻል. Show all posts
Tuesday, 3 April 2018
Friday, 16 February 2018
ይሄ ነው ራዕይ!
በያንዳንዷን ጥቃቅን ነጥብ ባልጋራም አቶ አቢይ አህመድ በዛሬው ኢትዮጵያ እንደዚህ አይነት ወርቅ የሆነ አመለካከት፤ ሃሳብና እቅድ ማርቀቅ መቻላቸው እጅግ ያስደንቃል!
በተለይ ስለውህደት ለሰላምና ፍቅር አስፈላጊነት ያሉትን በደንብብ ያዳምጡ። በተለይ በተለይ ስለቋንቋ በውህደት ያለው ሚና!
የአብይ አህመድ ራዕይ!
ብራቮ!
በተለይ ስለውህደት ለሰላምና ፍቅር አስፈላጊነት ያሉትን በደንብብ ያዳምጡ። በተለይ በተለይ ስለቋንቋ በውህደት ያለው ሚና!
የአብይ አህመድ ራዕይ!
ብራቮ!
Friday, 21 October 2016
The Oromo Nation – A Fait Accompli?
2009/2/20
(Ethiopian calendar)
2016/10/20
(European calendar)
[Note:
An Amharic version of this post will appear sometime!]
(pdf)
I've
just read Dr
Ezekiel Gebissa's reply to Dr
Tedla Woldeyohannes'
questions
about the
upcoming
Oromo
Leadership Convention
in Atlanta.
While
answering the questions, Dr Ezekiel gives
us some idea of
his
vision of the relationship between the Oromo nation and Ethiopia. In
this article I'll take what I consider to be the best parts
of
his article – two
major
points
– and expand
on them.
The
first
is
that Ethiopian
history, in
other words
the story of Ethiopia,
can be interpreted in various ways. It
can
be made to fit a story of a single nation albeit
with
different ethnic groups, or a nation of
nations, or
even prison of nations.
For
what it's
worth, I
too
agree
that history and ethnic
and national identity
are to a large extent matters of interpretation. No
one interpretation is the Gospel
Truth. We can argue all we want about these, as
we have done for decades, as
laymen, as
academicians,
as
politicians,
in various contexts and within different paradigms; some
of us might even change our minds; but at the end of the day, if we
want live
together in peace, we have to be able to agree to disagree.
Note
that
I
say this as an ardent
Ethiopian
nationalist who considers the synthesis story of one multiethnic
nation
as the true story. Further,
I consider the ethnic nationalist story not only untrue but that if
it goes too far,
it
does not bode well for the nation as a whole. The
mere fact that arguments for this
story are
often buttressed by claims of victimhood
obviously
makes
for tensions, acrimony, and
negative
competition
between
ethnic groups.
I would like
to note
that such claims
are not at
all necessary
to
build the ethnic nationalist story – it can be constructed quite
well without them – but the fact that they are often used
illustrates
the risks that come with ethnic nationalism.
But
I digress... There
are valid differing opinions and they have to co-exist. In order to
co-exist, I
believe that we
Ethiopian nationalists
have not
only to strive to understand
these
opinions, but
beyond understanding we
must try
to empathize. Look,
Oromo
ethnic nationalism is not the first ethnic
nationalism in
the world! Plenty of other multiethnic nations are having to deal
with ethnic nationalisms of different types. This
alone should give one pause. We
are not alone. As such I
believe that
humility
requires that we
Ethiopian nationalists step back re-assess our understanding
and response to
ethnic nationalism.
Yes,
we are right to stand
and
argue against it, but our position should not be as in the past,
where we fought against the very right of ethnic nationalism to be
politically expressed and
advocated repressing it by force. That was then and is now not only
an unwise but also, dare I say, an immoral course.
The
second point of
Dr Ezekiel's that I wish to discuss is the following: that
all the arguments have been made and done, and today the Oromo
nation, as part of an Ethiopian nation of nations, is a
fait
accompli. Ethnicity
is enshrined in the Ethiopian constitution and a generation of Oromos
have been taught, exclusively, ethnic nationalism.
Again,
this is true. Sad,
for us Ethiopian nationalists, but true! We
have to not only accept this new political reality, but we have to
learn from how it came about so that we can avoid making the same
mistakes as the past.
So,
how
did it come about? We Ethiopian nationalists played a huge role by
mismanaging the country, by neglecting to make necessary
accommodations, and perhaps worst of all, by committing
political fratricide over the past half century. We
managed to convert Eritrea from a region eager to join Ethiopia to a
nation willing to sacrifice thousands to leave it. We made Ethiopia
such an inhospitable and repressive country that some relatively few
ethnic nationalist elites were able to leverage this into a vast
expansion of ethnic nationalism. After
the EPRDF gained power, rather than doing the obvious – conducting
a self-examination to see how we could go so wrong as to leave the
hands of the country in the hands of self-proclaimed ethnic
nationalists – we concentrated on blaming the EPRDF for happening
to fill a vacuum we created! And
we bickered... Even
after the EPRDF instituted today's radical ethnic nationalist
constitution, we continued, in absentia, to argue amongst ourselves
while the roots of ethnic nationalism spread!
Yet,
despite the failures of the elite, Ethiopian nationalism still
remained strong among the masses. You
will recall that even just eleven years ago Kinijit demonstrated an
unexpected amount of nation-wide support for at least some degree of
de-ethnicization. However, our
Ethiopian
nationalist elites
managed to make a right
mess of that as well. Even today, there
is no significant Ethiopian
nationalist
political
movement – Ethiopian nationalism, as
a story remains only in the hearts of the masses.
Now,
we have to face Dr Ezekiel's fait accompli, not with denial, not
by blaming others,
and not with nostalgia, but by
accepting reality and responding with
a constructive agenda. Given the huge rise in Oromo ethnic
nationalism and the confused state of
the EPRDF,
the nation of Ethiopia needs a strong Ethiopian nationalist movement
to act
as a counter-balance – to bring
about a
less risky equilibrium
to the country's politics. The
impediment to this is not the EPRDF nor Oromo ethnic nationalism, but
the Ethiopian nationalist
elite. It is time we pull ourselves up with our bootstraps before it
is too late.
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